[演講摘要] 中東穆斯林性別角色的改變

中東穆斯林性別角色的改變
(Changing gender roles among Muslims in the Middle East)

Forty years of experience in the Middle East, with fieldworks in Egypt, Oman, and Yemen, have provided me with an in-depth longitudinal perspective on gender among Muslims. Egypt, Oman and Yemen are distinctive societies with internal differences, also as regards gender .Yet it is possible to discern similarities among the populations in each of the localities.
In this talk I shall focus on the changes over time in gender roles in a poor urban quarter of Cairo, a town in Oman that has become prosperous since the 80s, and among poor rural women in Yemen. I shall explore the impact of changes in political regimes and the rise of fundamentalism, as well as of international migration and globalization. The picture that will emerge will be notably different from media stereotypes, and will provide an insight into such issues as women’s emancipation, participation in the labor market, education, use of Islamic dress, and socialization.

根據四十年在中東的研究經驗，在埃及、阿曼、葉門的田野調查，提供了Wikan對於穆斯林性別的觀察有全面性且長時間性的洞悉。埃及、阿曼和葉門分別是內部本質不相同的社會，在性別議題方面也呈現差異。然而還是有可能在這些當地社會的人口當中，察覺到相同性質的存在。
在這篇演講當中，Wikan會專注於性別角色的改變如何隨著時間變遷。她討論的範疇有:開羅城市的貧窮社區，一個從80年代開始變得富庶的阿曼小鎮，和在葉門貧窮鄉村的婦女。Wikan會探討在政治領域和逐漸強大的基本教義派之間改變的影響，以及國際移民和全球化。所呈現的圖像將與媒體的刻板印象有顯著差異。針對婦女解放、勞工市場的參與、教育、和伊斯蘭服裝的使用以及社會化，Wikan也會提供她的見解，

[演講摘要] 憤怒之於認知和道德方面的錯誤:以歐洲的名譽殺害為例

憤怒之於認知和道德方面的錯誤: 以歐洲的名譽殺害為例
(Passions as Cognitive and Moral Mistakes: The Case of Honor Killings in Europe)

Honor-based violence has become of increasing concern to the authorities and the public in Europe, as forced marriages and honor killings have surfaced. Traditions that were not expected to be perpetuated or imported into Europe, and that undermine the human rights of many citizens, particularly girls, are found to be strong or even reinforced. Also international organizations like the United Nations, Amnesty, and many NGOs are now actively engaged in trying to combat violence in the name of honor.
In this lecture, I shall draw on my research over the past ten years on this problem. I shall explore in particular the murder of a Swedish-Kurdish girl by her father in 2002, a case that had a strong international impact. I shall use other cases from Scandinavia, England and Germany for comparative purposes.The concepts of honor and honor killings will be explored. What do we mean by honor? how does it link up with shame and dishonor? And does it make sense to use the concept honor killing - is it not a contradiction in terms?
Last, but not least, who are the people who commit "honor killings"? What part -- if any -- does religion play? What can be done, and how can anthropologists contribute, to try to help prevent such atrocities? Drawing on my own experience as public anthropologists, I shall provide some answers.

建立在以名譽為理由的暴力，在歐洲逐漸成為官方當局和公眾加強關注的事情。譬如強迫性婚姻和名譽殺害的問題開始浮現。「傳統」並不被期望是永久不變的，或是被移入歐洲，這些傳統被發現是強固的，甚至是被強化了，逐漸損害許多公民的人權問題，特別是女性。同樣地，國際組織，像是國際特赦組織(United Nations, Amnesty)和許多非政府組織(NGO)現在都正在積極的致力於反對以名譽為名的暴力行為。
在此篇演講當中，Wikan將應用她過去10年的研究發揮在此議題上。她將特別去探討發生在2002年一件受到國際矚目，產生強烈影響的謀殺案：一位瑞典籍的庫德族女孩被她的父親殺害。除此之外，她將會以發生在斯堪蒂納維亞、英國和德國的不同例子，進行比較性的討論。
在此篇演講當中，「名譽」和「名譽殺害」的兩個觀念將會被探討。究竟什麼是名譽?名譽如何連接到恥辱和不名譽?而使用「名譽殺害」這樣的觀念是否有意義?這是不是一個並非矛盾的名詞?最後，也是最重要的，哪些人是犯了「名譽殺害」的罪行?哪些部分可能會變成一種宗教操弄(religion play)?要如何去解決這個問題?人類學家如何去貢獻所學，去試圖幫助、避免殘酷的行為發生? 身為一個眾所皆知的人類學家，Wikan將以自身的研究經驗提供她的答案。

2008 6/3-6/4 性別、文化與全球化講座

[點圖可放大]
「性別、文化與全球化」講座

講者 Speaker: Prof. Unni Wikan
(Professor of Social Anthropology, University of Oslo, Norway)

聯絡方式： rpgs@my.nthu.edu.tw
http://rpgs.hss.nthu.edu.tw/
(03)5722690

Passions as Cognitive and Moral Mistakes:
The Case of Honor Killings in Europe
2008年6月3日 12:30-14:00
國立清華大學 人文社會學院 C310
12:30-14:00 June 3, 2008
C310, College of Humanities and Social Sciences,
National Tsing Hua University, Hsinchu

與 Unni Wikan 有約
2008年6月3日 18:00-20:00
國立清華大學 蘇格拉底餐廳
18:00-20:00, June 3, 2008
Socrates Restaurant, National Tsing Hua University, Hsinchu

Changing Gender Roles
among Muslims in the Middle East
2008年6月4日 16:00-18:00
中央研究院民族學研究所新館三樓2319會議室
16:00-18:00, June 4, 2008
Room 2319, Institute of Ethnology, Academia Sinica, Taipei


主辦單位：國立清華大學性別與社會研究室
協辦單位；國立清華大學人類學研究所
中央研究院 民族學研究所
贊助單位：行政院國家科學委員會人文社會中心
行政院國家科學委員會 國際合作處

Unni Wikan 第七週研讀會

時間：2008年 5月 15日
地點：國立清華大學 人文社會學院
導讀人A：沈秀華
導讀人B：黃倩玉
閱讀：Generous Betrayal
Unni Wikan, Generous Betrayal: Politics of Culture in the New Europe. (The University of Chicago Press, 2002)

－＞接收的國家自己常常被看成自我，移民者是他者。移民者進到這社會中，常常被要求要遵守這邊的文化，而又常常說我們要尊重這些文化，文化是「他者被他者化」的。（北歐自己社會中的就不是文化）
文化是誰的文化？
＝＞為了政治正確，我們要尊重他者的文化，而自己是法律、社會道德。第一代移民的文化是文化，第二代文化的文化不是文化。那為什麼第二代的文化不是文化？這些第二代的小孩對於自由、道德這些概念和他們的父母很不一樣，我們不應該把文化視為很固定的，我們應該更多了解這些（變動的）文化。
－＞「福利殖民主義」：北歐有很好的社會福利政策，所以移民者即是不工作還是可以有很好的生活，甚至有剩餘的財產可以去母國置產，在母國有很好的身份地位。Wikan認為，與其拿錢給他們、然後拖垮國家財政，這些無條件的給其實是侵害他們作為人最基本的尊嚴。
＝＞福利或政府單位所謂尊重他們文化的方法，其實最後是讓很多女孩受到迫害。所以，應該回到一個問題，什麼是「文化」？這是誰的文化？為什麼移民第二代父母的文化是文化，而第二代的文化不是文化？尊重文化的情況下，很多第二代往往不會說挪威語，這些小孩的教育最最往往只讓他們適合當地的生活。
－＞一直在討論別人的文化，就是一直在他者化別人的文化。
－＞p.70 這文化的執行雖然不完全是男性的，但是這些文化事實上是父權的，宗教、文化都只是一個包裝。是誰在要脅這些女孩？事實上這當中是相當性別的，女性在團體中常常被視為「樣本」，可能是文化的傳承、代表性，所以這個代表性的貞潔是重要的。在移民的社群中，為了鞏固少數的認同，更會強調這些文化的議題。
＝＞男性要保護住家中的聲譽。父親要殺這些女兒，那些兄弟、兒子為什麼都會強烈的走出來支持？這是為什麼？（沈秀華認為：我們應該也可以討論這些兄弟、男人，這些男性的養成和培養也是一種文化。Fadime的父親怎麼生存？陽剛氣概一點都不剩，沒有工作、社群不支持他、瑞典人也罵他。）我們把文化變得僵硬、很死，我們只有反和不反兩種選擇，到頭來只能把大家都逼死，一點空間的彈性都沒有。「文化」這概念讓我們沒有對話的空間，文化也變成一種power。
－＞「文化的除魅」。差異的接觸而「文化」變成是一個溝通的詞彙，然而他沒有提供更多好處，他反而終止一切討論和互相了解。
＝＞文化這概念並不是在一個「權力真空」的狀態，而是鞏固某些人的權力，而當我們把文化概念的抽掉，那我們該如何處理？在不同的generation之間又該怎麼協調？（又有一個universal的價值嗎？）

Ouline of "In Honor of Fadime" by Heidi Fung

Fadime Sahindal (1976-2002)

1976: Born in Turkey to a Kurdish Muslim family
1984: Moved to Uppsala, Sweden with her family
1996: Fell in love with Patrik Lindesjos, a young Swedish-Iranian man (1997/9: 1st death threat from F)
1998/1: Patrik’s F & GM visited & proposed
1998/5: On TV; Her father & brother were convicted
1998/6: Mysterious death of Patrik
1998/8: Brother (17 yr. old) in jail for 5 mo.)
2001/11: Speech in Swedish Parliament
(arranged by Violence Against Women on “Integration on Whose Terms?”)
2002/1: Killed by her father, Rahmi (56 yr. old):
“She was a whore; the problem is over now.” à Life sentence in jail



Unni Wikan puts tough questions to herself and to her readers in
this spellbinding, astonishing and courageous account of her
personal journey across moral universes. In Honor of Fadime is
far more than a eulogy—it is the best case study ever written
about the way liberal and illiberal moral communities
misunderstand and react to each other in Northern Europe. If
murder is defined as a wrongful killing, is an honor killing murder?
What precisely makes an honor killing wrong if it is an act of
collective defense and a last resort to protect a family from
humiliating and socially consequential harms inflicted on it by one
of its members? This brilliant book takes us far beyond the
“banality of evil” as we arrive at an eye-opening (even if troubling)
comprehension of how a morally decent husband and wife come to
feel they have no choice but to kill their daughter.

--Richard A. Shweder, University of Chicago



QUESTION
1. Is honor killing a religious practice or a cultural tradition? How frequent/rare?
2. Is it a form of violence against women? Or, globalized oppression of women?
3. Why hadn’t it happened earlier?
4. Why did Fadime’s M finally decide to defend her husband in the High Court?




Ethnographic Data

300+ pages of police interview records
Sat through trials of Fadime’s F in Uppsala District Court & the Swedish High Court
Interviews w/Fadime’s family members
(incl. her mother & baby sister (13 yr. old))
30+ yr. fieldwork in the Middle East & Inner Asia àCross-cultural comparisons




Definition of Honor Killing

UN report: 5,000 annually (?)
A murder carried out à restore honor
For a collective group (instead of a single person)
Approval of audience, ready to reward murder w/honor
The birth family’s obligation to “cleanse the shame” =/= “passion/jealousy killing”



The Code of Honor

Honor vs. Shame à
Honor vs. Dishonor; Shame vs. Pride
Honor vs. Law & Order
Male vs. Female (the only victims? violation of chastity)
Hierarchy & inequality
In the public eye
Gossips, rumors, laughter, image, face, reputation…
The loss of honor
Collectively shared by the family/clan/community
All-or-nothing




Cross-Cultural Comparisons

Arab communities in Sinai (Egypt), Israel, Oman, Turkey, Jordan…;
India, Pakistan; late medieval Europe; immigrant communities in Europe…
Honor can mean different things in different groups & settings
Honor killings--
Rural>urban; poorly educated>highly educated; conservative>liberal…
Culture is changeable; human attitudes can prevail
Lack of clear-cut, generalizable rules




Fadime vs. Her Father/Family

Choose own love vs Accept an intermarriage to a Turkish cousin
Publicize own story in the media/court/parliament vs Made hidden family life exposed; loss of honor in the public eye
Stand for an inclusive & universal view of freedom & equality vs Betrayal: value own happiness more than loyalty to community
Fear + hope à refuse to hide or exile vs Exile or be killed (the only way out)
Successful integration? vs Failed integration?



Richard A. Shweder on FGM

What about Female Genital Mutilation? And Why Understanding Culture Matters in the First Place (2002)
When Cultures Collide: Which Rights? Whose Tradition of Values? A Critique of the Global Anti-FGM Campaign (2003)



Female Genital Mutilation (FGM)

Definition: all procedures involving partial or total removal of the female external genitalia or other injury to the female genital organs for non-medical reasons (WHO/UN)
Violation of girls’ & women’s human rights
Why not male circumcision?
Medical consequences
Sexual consequences
Father in Prison: Khalid Adem (2005-2020)



Lessons to Take Away

Integration/assimilation vs. separation/marginalization vs Diversities/pluralism/multiculturalism
Contradictory liberal impulses—
Leave individuals free to live their lives
Protect those who are vulnerable from exploitation
Where is the proper limit of social & legal tolerance (if not respect)?



Lessons to Take Away (cont.)

Researcher’s role
Emotional vs. intellectual
Forgivable vs. understandable
The devil is in the details

Unni Wikan 第六週研讀會

時間：2008年 5月 8日
地點：國立清華大學 人文社會學院
導讀人A：馮涵棣
導讀人B：沈秀華
閱讀：In Honor of Fadime
Unni Wikan, In Honor of Fadime, (The University of Chicago Press, 2008)

－＞Fadime成為瑞典的名人，因為他追求自由、愛情、價值，這都是瑞典人所追求的，還一度進到國會裡面演講。他強調他不是為自己講，而是為這些移民入瑞典的人而講。
＝＞他的死亡就像是瑞典人追求價值的殉道者一樣，他的喪禮塞進了三千多人，進行基督教的儀式。每年瑞典人都在1/21紀念他的去世。
＝＞有些人回應，這無關乎宗教，是他父親的精神狀態的問題。也有人些認為，這是一個普世價值的問題。但是沒有人敢提到「文化」這個詞，這變成是一個「禁忌」，沒有人敢觸碰這個話題。Wikan相當有勇氣，身為人類學家，他站出來討論這件事情。
－＞honor killing究竟是religious practice還是cultural tradition？
＝＞為什麼會在這個時間點？不是早一點的時間或晚一點的時間？
－＞什麼是honor killing？通常是有一群人支持這件事情，通常是男生殺女生，是娘家而非夫家來殺，因為做了這件事情可以restore their honor。
（＝＞在美國，白人對其他少數族群動用「私刑」；但對於這件事情來說，卻是honor killing）在這中間就是有權力的高低、性別的不平等，女性的殺害多數都和貞操有關係，而男性較少，原因也較不一定。
－＞in the public eye VS the loss of honor. Honor的得到與失去，都是群體一起的，所以這件事情對於他們來說也特別切身（這家族將近三百人）。而其父親也不想和其他的瑞典人有來往，因為Fadime的出名也讓其父相當困擾。
－＞Honor在不同的族群、情況、時空中，都可以有不同的意義。即使很多極度保守的伊斯蘭社會，也都不會有honor killing。太容易的結果我們歸因於伊斯蘭教的原因，但是很多因素告訴我們，文化很重要、但是文化不會決定一切。
＝＞移民的群體反而更傳統。這些移民的群體比那些原生地的群體還要保守。
－＞如果家族不能接受和外族人交往，那為什麼還要去提親和提結婚？因為企圖用這方式來保全兩者的honor，原本違背傳統的過程能有一個合乎傳統的結局。其實，最終他們他們還是要保全honor。
＝＞Female Genital Mutilation 女性割禮。原本在非洲男孩女孩都有行割禮，但是透過移民開始有文化的接觸，而變成被討論的問題。
＝＞Integration/assimilation VS separation/marginalization
＝＞Liberal有兩種：我們該介入幫助他的現狀，另一種是尊重他們的價值。

－＞其實事情的發生不光是文化的原因，這當中每一個人都在掙扎。我們需要去了解這個文化，但是不是馬上放進伊斯蘭的文化脈絡，文化也不是唯一的答案。每個文化都有各自處理honor的方式，而真正會發生killing的原因是clash。

－＞Go public的問題，往往致使另一群人感受到shame。例如：比丘尼向大眾公開佛教內部的性別不平等，但是另一方面男性的佛教徒或丘尼，卻感受到其行為讓他們感受到shame。而這些去對抗群體的人，最後又面對自身在群體當中的壓力，自己仍然要面對這群體文化的反彈（例如被謀殺）。

－＞

Emotional VS intellectual.
Forgivable VS unstandable.
The devil is in the details.

Unni Wikan 第四週研讀會

時間：2008年 4月 10日
地點：國立清華大學 人文社會學院
導讀人A：許瀞文
導讀人B：黃倩玉
閱讀：Managing Turbulent Hearts: 1st half
Unni Wikan, Managing Turbulent Hearts: A Balinese Formula for Living, Chapters 1-7 (The University of Chicago Press, 1990)

過去在人類學研究中，「文化」該怎麼思考這東西？
－＞Geertz注意到社會中面具與面具的關係，文化當作是文學一樣在玩，文本這東西被解讀是很表面的，文學的討論不關心主角的心裡在想什麼，而是這個「東西在脈絡中是什麼意義」。他並不會在意裡面的個性、想法是什麼，而是這些行為組合在一起所代表的意義。
＝＞Wikan認為要去看text形成的context才是真正的瞭解。過去人類學強調的Bali是象徵的、戲劇性的，專注到公共印象的，而不是家的面向。而這些預設開始崩裂，象徵不完全可以解釋所觀察的現象。事情的行為都是互動之間的影響，而不是一個表面的討論。要考慮到政治的、社會的、經濟的面向。

Unni Wikan 第三週研讀會

時間：2008年 3月 27日
地點：國立清華大學 人文社會學院
導讀人A：李玉珍
導讀人B：沈秀華
閱讀：Behind the Veil in Arabia, Ch.10- Ch.14
Unni Wikan, Behind the Veil in Arabia: Women in Oman, Chapters 1-7 (The University of Chicago Press, 1982)

保守的社會新郎、新娘怎麼認識？女性貞潔的存在？
＝＞1971年有一個改變，法律上公開男女自由交往，但是女性因為要有男的監護人，所以相較男性是比較沒有自由的。在一些婚姻的選擇上，很多的因素致使他們仍然在要符合社會、父母的期待。而男性比較有自由，所以他可以比要容易遇到陌生人，有更多的選擇機會。
＝＞性別區隔相當明顯的社會，所以在婚前該怎麼知道女性？通常去打聽關係，而在結婚第一天的帳棚裡面，便是第一次兩方的見面，所以需要一些時間來認識彼此。

Meimona的故事
＝＞在當地的社會裡，「哭」的代表意義：一、不願意放棄學業，二、離開父母的恐慌，夫家沒有媽媽，所以嫁到夫家後只有一位女性在家中，三、他嫁過之後才發現不是處女，讓家族蒙羞。
＝＞雖然發現女人不是處女，但是男人為了保住面子，所以他不會跟女生離婚。但事實上所有人都知道他不是處女，而男方為了要使臉色，所以會透過：一、聘金打折扣，二、男性會禁止女性回娘家，以讓他和女方家族疏離。原本婚姻應該是讓兩家族有個聯繫和利益的往來，而這個舉動來反擊。
＝＞過去討論親密關係是神聖的，但是事實上親密關係都和錢、物質有關係。例如跨國婚姻的商品化，事實上不是商品化的問題，而是「怎麼商品化」。

如果是處女，初夜之後會有一條手帕上面沾血為證明，不過當地社會是允許女方說：男性沒有性能力，所以女方要跟男方離婚。
＝＞似乎不是一個處女的情結想像，而是男女兩造的問題。初夜那天女性要證明自己從女孩變成女人，而男人也要在這天證明自己可以行房，證明自己是男人。

社會也不會期待女性為丈夫守寡太久
＝＞女性在當地是被視為需要保護的。那麼究竟要保護什麼？保護貞操嗎？沒有隸屬於男人保護貞操的女人比較危險。

嫁給外地人
＝＞離娘家比較遠，所以會比較依賴夫家。

Unni Wikan 第二週研讀會

時間：2008年 3月 13日
地點：國立清華大學 人文社會學院
導讀人A：呂欣怡
導讀人B：黃倩玉
閱讀：Behind the Veil in Arabia, Ch.4- Ch.9
Unni Wikan, Behind the Veil in Arabia: Women in Oman, Chapters 1-7 (The University of Chicago Press, 1982)

在這樣一個性別相當segregation的地方，所能夠研究的內容是受到其研究者的性別所影響。Unni Wikan所能觀察到的阿拉伯社會和他的丈夫不一樣，她可以融入女性的群體中，這是她先生一樣進行人類學研究不能做到的事情。

在這個社會裡面，女性幾乎是沒有移動的空間。小孩和女人幾乎都只能和附近的人有來往，這些女人拜訪別人家、然後吃一些東西，有客人來時，就是準備食物款待客人，而客人便需要狼吞虎嚥以表達回應，然後大家「安靜」。而這些社交的方式不是八卦的。而女人會討論的就是：性、物品的價錢，這似乎就是它們的生活圈。
－＞不八卦的原因是因為生活無趣嗎？
－＞書中指出，在埃及比較是八卦圈，說別人的壞話以成就自己的honor；在葉門則是透過讚美別人來成就自己的honor。一樣是伊斯蘭世界，卻有不同的方式。

男性和女性是不同的，但是彼此之間是互補的。在伊斯蘭教中，有不少女性主義者重新去討論女性的地位，他們認為：「女人是比男人優越、女人是男人的第二性。」
－＞對於女性的討論有很大的差異性，或許和這些伊斯蘭國家之前的社會型態有關聯性。之前這些地區多數都是游牧民族，這些民族不可能將女性都關閉在房間裡面（所以，當時的伊斯蘭社會一定不是現在這樣的社會型態）。穆罕默德的妻子更是一位有錢的寡婦，而且相當強勢。
－＞伊斯蘭概念的兩種生活型態：民間生活的伊斯蘭和經典的伊斯蘭生活。
－＞伊斯蘭從一開始就有女性財產權的權利。寡婦有權可以分到一部份的財產，女兒可以繼承父親的財產。

Veil（頭紗）使用發生的衝突。例如在土耳其，雖然是一個伊斯蘭國家，但是經歷西化的過程，所以根本就不戴頭紗；反而在移民的穆斯林社群中，頭紗反而成為一個認同的保存。為什麼歐洲世界對於伊斯蘭世界的話題往往圍繞在veil上面？為什麼西方那麼在意戴不戴頭紗？

Xanith為什麼不能叫做跨性別？因為這個社會不允許它們穿女性的衣服，所以它們再看女性的空間不完全是沒有的，而是有其不可侵犯的價值。男孩到某一個年紀，可以穿著第三性的服裝，但是這只有男性可以做，女性沒有權力可以這樣流動，而這些第三性的男性到一個年紀也可以和女性結婚。
－＞為什麼女性不能在性別間流動？難道阿拉伯女性沒有同性戀？
＝＞或許因為女性的空間一直都是隱蔽的，所以他們也沒有必要「出來」，因為他們並不會影響到男性。
＝＞這些第三性者似乎成為男女關係的橋樑，可以和女性自然的交談，也可以和男性有來往的關係。

Unni Wikan這本書，鮮少討論理論的回顧，這讓我們重新思考人類學書寫的問題，現在還有人會這樣寫「民族誌」嗎？幾乎整本書都在敘述他的田野資料和素材，故事呈現事實。

Outline of "Behind the Veil in Arabia, Ch4-9" by Hsinyi Lu

Unni Wikan, Behind the Veil in Arabia: Women in Oman, Chapters 4-9 (Chicago and London: the University of Chicago Press, 1982)

導讀人：呂欣怡（交通大學人文社會學系）

Chapter 4 “Segregation of the Sexes: Concept and Practice”

1 “Segregation of the sexes is a prominent feature of the Sohari social scene” (p.51)
2 Female: male = Private sphere: public sphere
3 Segregation produces separation in space, and differences in behavior, dress, mobility (p.53)
4 Muslim conception of male and female: different and complementary human beings.
5 Islamic tradition: “The male is considered superior, physically, morally , and intellectually.” (p.55) The female is considered weak and animal-like (p.56) à maybe true is Oman but debatable in other Muslim countries.
6 Women’s presence in public is conceived as a threat to community order and morality (p.56)
7 Women’s virtue: Submission and modesty
8 Who are protected by segregation and veiling? (pp.57-64)
9 Men have controlled the rights of interpretation of the Quran.
10 Why the seclusion of women?
10.1 Protection
10.2 Men’s honor
11 Norm vs. practice
11.1 Nuances and complexities in personal behaviors
11.2 Fundamental respect for individuality (p.65)
12 Question of the dichotomy of conform/deviate
13 Why do women observe segregation?
13.1 Shyness (yistihi as “a basic constituent of women’s conceptual universe and a fundamental explanatory principle in their endeavors”) (pp.69-70)
14 Why do men observe segretation?
14.1 Shame
15 Internalized sanction (p.71-72): women perceived as independent actors on her own.

Chapter 5 “Socialization to the Practice of Segregation”
1 Childrearing and Child-training practices
2 Age 0-2: indulging. Fear of misfortune
3 age 2-6: abrupt weaning. Boys and girls mix freely until age six.
4 Age 7-puberty: more expectations and behavioral disciplining. Boys and girls start to segregate
4.1 Boys: recognized as man-like, join the men for meals, expected to take on more responsibility, etc.
4.2 Girls: enjoy more child’s privileges
5 Marriage: about ten years apart

Chapter 6 The Burqa Facial Mask
1 Unique design of the Sohari burqa
2 Women first wear it on their seventh day of marriage (p,94)
3 When/where to wear and when/where can she take it off.
4 The burqa as “a prime symbol of feminine grace and modesty, and the women’s identification with her husband…projects an image of proper and honorable conduct” (p.96)
5 Burqa as a “beautiful device” (p.98)
6 Comparison of body concept between western women and Omanis (p.99)
7 Meaning of Burqa:
7.1 “female modesty and decency” (p.100)
7.2 symbol of the segregation of the sexes (p.101)
7.3 Spiritual purification (p.101)
8 An age-old debate: Is Veiling a source of pride or oppression?
8.1 Why are westerners so fascinated with the ways Muslim women dress?
8.2 “The veil was a sign of pride, prestige, and upward mobility” (p.105), “symbol of high status” (p. 106)
8.3 “The burqa in Sohar is first and foremost a secluding and beautifying device” (p.106)
9 The burqa in space and time
9.1 Geographical variation of the burqa
9.2 Historical change

Chapter 7 Women’s world
1 Visiting, hospitality, and solitude (p.109)
2 The routine of an ordinary day: about 12 hours in husbands’ absence
3 Importance of being hospital. Importance of food.
4 Formal visits vs. neighborly visits
5 Most frequent conversation topics: sex, illnesses, and prices
6 Neighbors vs. friends. (p.139)

Chapter 8 “Honor and self-realization”
Chapter 9 The “third gender”
1 Xanith are “an integral part of the local social organization” (p. 170)
2 Fluid concept of gender (p.p.172), but only for males
3 Could be conceptualized as transsexual (p. 172)
4 Xanith do women’s work, but are forbidden to wear women’s dress (p.174-5)
5 “Women are legally minors and must be represented by a guardian. Xaniths represent themselves” (p.174)
6 “Sexual act, not the sexual organs which is fundamentally constitutive of gender”
7 What does the existence of Xanith tell us about the Omanis concept of sexuality and the world? (p.179)

Outline of "Behind the Veil in Arabia, intorduction, ch2 and ch3" by Julia Huang

Unni Wikan, Behind the Veil in Arabia: Women in Oman (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991[1982]). Part I: Introduction, Chapters 2 and 3 (pp. 3-48).

Outline by Julia Huang

時間：2008年 2月 29日
地點：國立清華大學 人文社會學院
導讀人A：黃倩玉
導讀人B：李玉珍


Preface

– two methodological remarks:
1. A subjective account:
Aiming at two kinds of readers: “primarily, the general reader with an interest I Arabia or in gender roles, and secondarily, my anthropological colleagues” (p. ix)

Acknowledging her – and anthropologists’ in general – view as subjective: “…Sohar is seen through my eyes, and the material speaks through my voices. For this I make no apologies… It is my conviction that much social science would stand to gain by greater readiness to acknowledge this predicament” (p. ix)

Note that this is written in 1976-1978 (p. xi) about 10 years before the publication of Marcus and Fischer’s Anthropology as Cultural Critiques (1986) and Clifford and Marcus’ Writing Culture (1986).

2. Writing against jargons:
“The gap between anthropologists and general readers is immense, not only as between our languages, but also I our ways of thinking about the world. This I think most unfortunate. If anthropologists are to help make a better world, they must be able to communicate with that world… anthropologists often seem to mystify themselves, as well as their readers, by using excessive jargon.” (pp. ix- x)

Cf. Margery Wolf’s writing style

Introduction: Finding Our Way
Methodological note: she and Barth went together, lived in Oman for 8 months :from Mar – Aug 1974; and from Dec 1975-Jan 1976. During which, 6 months were in Sohar in the northern coast.

“It is the story of the everyday life of people in this town, and among them particularly the life of Arab women, that I try t tell in this book” (p. 3)

The first anthropologists!
“Oman was till 1970 a closed country, uniquely representative of traditional Arabic civilization almost untouched by modernization” (p. 3)

Women’s burqa, or facial mask:
“It seemed to epitomize or embody crucial features of women’s identity, honor, and grace in Sohar. And in Oman, the burqa is worn by townswomen only in the northern most part of the region known as the Batinah coast, of which Sohar is the major town” (p. 3)

Getting there (pp. 3-7)
Arrival (p. 7)
Settled down first house (p. 8)
Note on participant observation (p. 9)
Even a public well didn’t serve the “entrance” for p-o
Key informant, Bauji (p. 10)
“I encountered nothing but warmth and hospitality. … with great tact, tolerance, and sensitivity… (p. 10) …Because of their tact, sensitivity, dignity and tolerance, they did not gossip and thereby tell me about neighbors, acquaintances, and local events” (p. 10)
Not knowing what’s going on (p. 11)
New embarrassment – the delipidated one-room house (p. 11)
Heat and physical frustration, and boredom (p. 12-13)

The realization:
“Behind the gracious façade…” (p. 13)
“what I failed to sense then was that, to Soharis, the ‘as if’ is as true as the private knowledge, …” (p. 13)

Women do not gossip (p. 14)
Change in method on the second trip
Change in relation with the Soharis (p. 14-15)

Chapter 2 Sohar: The First Exotic Glimpse (pp. 16-26)

A wedding and many more questions

A detailed and lively ethnographic description
Dynamics of initial relationship with informants
The struggle between the general readership and the academic tone
Methodological reflection: What do I know from this? P. 24; what do write and how? P. 25-6

Chapter 3 The Town and its People

l A former glory now a backwater. Yet people still are proud of its location. Wikan reminds us times and again that it’s been a city, not a closed place. As she writes at the end of this chapter:

In Sohar, we are not confronted with an overgrown village, recently integrated into a larger market and developing some urban features. On the contrary, we must be prepared to recognize an ancient, cosmopolitan city, and a population with a sophisticated, traditional urban culture.”

pp. 27-29
dull landscape, beautiful manners
the town as sa source of conscious pride: second in importance only to the capital of Muscat-Mattrah
hospital, summer house of the Sheikh of Abu Dharbi
its location by the largest valley of the upper Batinah, the Wadi Jizzi
heat – hibernation
need for water – 2 kilometer to Sohar town

l The Pattern of Settlement

l The Wali

l Commerce and Production

l The Milieu of Women

l Residence Patterns
Coresidence; not preferred, but for the protection of women

l Cultural and Social Diversity
Arabic as the lingua franca
Ethnic groups: true Arabs 1/2; Persians and Baluchis 1/3; others
u Arab vs. Baluch: Baluchi (came from Makran, on the Iranian-Kakistani coast) women’s dress and accessories (p. 40), Baluchi women’s pride in ritual and abstaining from sexual (pp. 40-41)
u Arab’s superiority
u The Ajam (a traditional term for Persians and used generally for the local Farsi-speajers)
u Zidgalis
u Hindus (or Banyans)
Religion and ritual: Ibadhism (majority in inner land), Sunnis, Shiah
“The Baluch are Sunni, most Ajam are Shiah, but so are some Arabs, whereas other Arabs are Sunni or Ibadhi.” (p. 42)
For women: (p. 43)
between ex-slaves and persons of free origin
between Bedu and settled
Zatut: low-status group, wandering and marry for love (p. 44)
Town and Village:
Wealth and Lifestyle: much mobility, competition (p. 44)
Nothing prevent intermarriage. The only line one may draw is religion between Shiah and Sunni or Ibadhi

Overview (pp. 45-46)
Q: “How do differences in culture and background appear to color the lives and relationships of Soharis—and particularly the women?”
What matters is, for the men, the individual personal qualities of the other; for the women, proximity” (p. 45)
On Bedu: “Their customs are bad… As persons, on the other hand, they are good…” (p. 45)

The Sohari tolerance (QUOTE p. 46)

The Historical Perspective

Introduction to Unni Wikan

Unni Wikan目前任教於奧斯陸大學（University of Oslo, Norway）社會人類學系，研究領域涵蓋貧窮、性別、發展、醫學人類學、情感、社會正義、福利、多元文化與法律，為當代重要的人類學家。近年來，Wikan的研究焦點為歐洲的移民政策，她在歐洲移民社群與多元文化社會的研究與貢獻，為她贏得2004年言論自由基金會獎（Freedom of Expression Foundation Prize）。清大性別研究室於本學期榮幸邀請到Wikan教授於六月訪台，蒞臨本校演講。在此之前希望藉由閱讀Wikan的著作讓大家對於族群與性別相關議題有所理解和關注。